Papers in the Series
The Citizenship and Globalisation Research Papers are peer-reviewed online and print publications that promote original and scholarly research on all aspects of citizenship and globalisation. The topics covered are diverse and represent the breadth of research excellence in this multidisciplinary academic field.
Volume 5, 2014
Vol. 5, No. 1 'Applying the theory of resource curse to disadvantaged migrant communities and criminal offending: Vietnamese Australians and the heroin trade as a case study'
Richard Evans 'Applying the theory of resource curse to disadvantaged migrant communities and criminal offending: Vietnamese Australians and the heroin trade as a case studys', Vol. 5, No. 1
Australia has a substantial Vietnamese community, a consequence of the refugee exodus from South-east Asia which followed the Communist victory in Vietnam in 1975. While Vietnamese Australians have contributed greatly to their host society, they are also stigmatised because of an association with the trade in illicit drugs, particularly heroin. Drug-related offending remains very high in Vietnamese Australian communities, with resultant high rates of incarceration and social exclusion. In its formative years the Vietnamese Australian community was faced with exclusion from economic and social opportunity, but was uniquely well-positioned as an ethnic enclave economy to take advantage of the growing demand for illicit drugs, especially heroin. I argue that the heroin trade had an effect analogous to 'resource curse', and has been a major source of continuing disadvantage and social harm to the Vietnamese Australian community.
Vol. 5, No. 2 'From socialism to communitarianism: Lindsay Tanner and the crisis of the Australian left after globalisation'
Geoff 'From socialism to communitarianism: Lindsay Tanner and the crisis of the Australian left after globalisation', Vol. 5, No. 2
The experience of globalisation from the 1980s challenged the certainties of the Australian political left. State socialism collapsed, the tariff wall came down, union membership plunged and populist conservatism won the support of many former Labor voters. Lindsay Tanner played a major role within debates on the Australian left about how to respond to these challenges. He began his political activism as a member of the left of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) left in the late 1970s. During the next decades he served as an office-bearer in the Federated Clerks' Union (FCU), was a federal Labor parliamentarian from 1993 to 2010 and served as Finance Minister in the governments of Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard from 2007 to 2010.
Vol. 5, No. 3 'Neither Included, Nor Excluded: The Paradox of Government Approaches Towards the Romanies in Italy'
Riccardo Armillei 'Neither Included, Nor Excluded: The Paradox of Government Approaches Towards the Romanies in Italy', Vol. 5, No. 3
Romani peoples currently live at the margins of the Italian society, particularly those living in the so called "nomad camps". The government has only recently focused attention on the situation of this minority group. In 2011 a "National Strategy" was launched introducing a number of measures to enhance their social inclusion. This commitment, though, was a cynical response to a larger European Union initiative designed to address the causes of their marginalisation, and was not supported by any real intention to introduce change. In 2008, in fact, the Italian government introduced an extraordinary intervention, the "Nomad Emergency", as a response to a number of supposedly threatening situations which occurred among the Romani communities living in "camps", but also as part of a larger anti-immigrant national campaign. At the end of 2012, when fieldwork for this study was conducted, the negative effect produced by the state of emergency was still clearly visible. Instead of building capacity and autonomy among the Romanies, the Italian institutions chose to adopt highly contradictory approaches which neither included, nor absolutely excluded them. They now have a distinctive place within the Italian society. Millions of euros are spent every year on Romani-related issues, and it has become a huge business both in public and private sectors. The aim of this paper is to examine the contradictions embedded in the production of Romanies as "nomads", a term which positions them as being unwilling or unable to settle within the host society. My analysis highlights the approach adopted by Italian institutions in terms of "inclusive exclusion" of the Romanies, instead of thinking about it as mere "othering", marginalisation or exclusion. On the one hand, the government makes significant investment in schooling and employment projects; on the other, it keeps promoting the "camp policy", forced evictions and emergency measures.
Vince Marotta 'The Multicultural Civil Sphere and the Universality of Binary Codes', Vol. 5, No. 4
Public debates on who should be categorised as a 'citizen' have intensified in a period of heightened fear and moral panic over the so-called 'Islamisation' of Europe and other western countries. In response to this fear of the Other, many have argued that Muslims and new immigrants can be effectively integrated into western societies if we take the idea of multiculturalism seriously. Jeffrey Alexander has been one scholar who has made a concerted effort to explore the normative conditions for the integration of strangers in civil society. Through a review of his work, the paper critically evaluates the relationship between the civil sphere, diversity and otherness with particular attention given to the role of the stranger in the composition of civil society. Alexander claims that underlining the constitution of civil society is a binary discourse that constructs some citizens as friends and others as enemies. In the first instance the paper maps out the contours of Alexander's cultural sociology and its relevance to his conceptualisation of the civil sphere. This section critically addresses his understanding of the 'core group' and how Otherness is constituted. Second, we examine the role that recognition and cross-cultural contact play in articulating Alexander's multicultural civil sphere and suggest that his argument that the genuine incorporation of marginalised groups depends on the recognition of otherness overlooks their material condition. The latter part of the paper critiques Alexander's binary discourse of civil society in the context of how the hybrid stranger problematicises the binary formulation underlying his essentialist categories of 'core group' 'we-ness' and the 'otherness' of difference. Finally, Alexander's work needs to be contextualised within the sociological literature on the interconnection between solidarity and difference evident in the work of Zygmunt Bauman and the sociology of community. Overall, while Alexander has made some significant advances on traditional conceptions of civil society, especially through his culturalist approach, his over-reliance on binarism as an interpretative scheme creates an ambiguity in his work especially around his formulation of a multicultural civil sphere.
James A Holmes 'Permaculture and Contemporary Utopian Romanticism', Vol. 5, No. 5
Permaculture—a contraction of the words permanent agriculture—is an ecological movement originating from Tasmania, Australia in the 1970s as a collaboration between Bill Mollison and David Holmgren. It grew out of an opposition to industrial farming techniques and preference for traditional (indigenous) land management and, in the decades following, spread across Australia and the world with Ayesh (a water and environment researcher) indicating that as of 2005, there were 400,000 projects in 120 countries (Ayesh 2005). Despite this, it has been noted that the movement has received little attention from the social sciences (Smith, Willetts and Mitchell 2007; Veteto and Lockyer 2008; Coughlan 2012). This paper addresses this oversight in the literature by providing a analysis of the key principles of Permaculture and its affinities with Romantic thought. I will briefly explain the Permaculture movement and its principles followed by an examination of Romanticism from a political and socio-cultural focus. This leads into a discussion of prior links between political ecology and Romantic conservatism. The following sections expand upon Permaculture's vision of society as expressed by David Holmgren's Permaculture: Principles and Pathways Beyond Sustainability and identify affinities to Romantic thought.
Volume 4, 2013
Karen Lane 'Health Cosmopolitanism: The Case for Traditional Birth Attendants', Vol. 4, No. 1
Health cosmopolitanism is a hybrid concept that embraces conventional health objectives (safety, equity and universality) but incorporates the principles of cosmopolitanism (egalitarian individualism; reciprocal recognition; and reasoning from an impartial moral standpoint). In short, health cosmopolitanism embraces conventional Western measures of good health but insists that the cultural determinants of health (values, beliefs, cosmologies and philosophies) are equally germane to good physiological outcomes. The intention in this paper is to stipulate the plural bases for a social justice framework for maternity care that recognises people's equal moral worth and their inherent capacities for self-determination and subjectivity; in this case, about the ways that women give birth (their choice of carers, modality of care and use of medicines including both Western and traditional medicines). Although this paper evaluates maternity practices in developing economies, health cosmopolitanism provides a benchmark to assess maternity policies and practices anywhere. This study will specifically consider the case of TBAs (traditional birth attendants) as an example of health cosmopolitanism. I argue via evidence from around 50 interviews with health administrators, obstetricians, midwives, traditional birth attendants and women in Timor Leste, Vanuatu and the Cook Islands: (1) that cosmopolitanism is a preferable frame of reference in relation to healthcare because it goes beyond universal human rights to claim individual entitlement to self-determination (including the cultural determinants of health, or people's beliefs, values and cosmologies) within a framework of global governance and reciprocal rights and responsibilities (2) that TBAs represent a key example of the cultural determinants of health (3) that negative evaluations of TBA performance based on one criteria are unreasonable (4) that if reintegrated into the mainstream maternity system TBAs could be key actors in meeting Millennium Development Goal No Five and finally, (5) reintegration would represent an enlightened policy of philosophical pluralism. Considerable reflexivity would be required on the part of international aid organisations, Ministries of Health and the medical fraternity to reverse the inexorable march towards the medicalization of birth in developing economies. Yet such a reversal would bring undoubted benefits to women in delivering a good birth, one that not only demonstrated physical safety but respected the cultural values and preferences of individual women.
Vol. 4, No. 2 'Re-Mapping Caste and Class Consciousness: Short Narratives of South Asian Diaspora in Australia'
Amit Sarwal 'Re-Mapping Caste and Class Consciousness: Short Narratives of South Asian Diaspora in Australia', Vol. 4, No. 2
Thanks to Bollywood, a Non-Resident Indian (NRI) is predominantly imagined, back home in India, as super-rich, fully westernized in manners and doing India proud in foreign lands. One reason for this as explained by renowned Bollywood producer-director Late Yash Chopra, in his address at the first Pravasi Bharatiya Divas (Expatriate Indians Day) in 2003, is that as a director he is also working as a 'historian' and carrying on his shoulders the 'moral responsibility [ … ] to depict India [and the Indian Diaspora] at its best'. In this regard, Ghassan Hage also notes that the 'last thing' the migrants (particularly men) would like to share with their families back home is shocking stories about racism, discrimination or prejudices that they may have experienced in public or the workplace. Such a revelation would obviously be followed by 'why did you make us suffer and move to the end of the world just to get demeaned and insulted?' (Hage 2005: 494). Hage further notes that therefore the migrants' familial and class experiences, be it in films, literature or even some sociological studies, are often 'portrayed as a positive experience' and this is 'how the whole migratory enterprise continues to legitimise itself' (2005: 494). It could be argued that this is one of the reasons the alleged 'racist' attacks against Indian students received so much attention in the Indian media. It was not just discrimination but the notion of discrimination and second class treatment (based on skin colour and origin) against the revered and much envied diasporic Indian that created such a media furor in India (see Baas 2010; Jakubowicz and Monani 2010).
Liudmila Kirpitchenko 'Intercultural Pathways for Knowledge Transfer Within Academic Mobility', Vol. 4, No. 3
This paper focuses on academic mobility with the view of examining knowledge flows and effective cultural pathways for knowledge transfer. Its main objective is to set up the theoretical parameters for exploring intercultural encounters within academic mobility with an additional goal of revealing underlining conditions for effective intercultural knowledge transfer and creation. Academic mobility describes global mobilities of tertiary students and university staff and refers to a growing phenomenon worldwide. It creates additional possibilities for exploring the enabling conditions for the intercultural knowledge flows. Academic migrants have been acknowledged as important agents of intercultural knowledge transfer, interchange and, ultimately, knowledge creation. This paper is guided by a hypothesis that cosmopolitan dispositions can create preconditions for successful knowledge transfer in everyday intercultural interactions in academia. In this paper, theoretical notions and ideas are discussed to provide a foundation for designing an ethnographic research which will seek to analyse empirical manifestations of emerging cosmopolitanism. Some preliminary findings of a pilot study are also analysed.
Janneke Koenen 'Incorporating Difference: A Reappraisal of Human Rights and Asian Values', Vol. 4, No. 4
In November 2012, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) adopted the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration (AHRD). In light of the debate around Asian values and human rights the signing of this declaration is especially significant. It raises questions about the relevance of the Asian values debate and what this relevance reveals about the nature of both the Asian values discourse and the human rights disccourse. It seems useful to reappraise the relationship between the two in order to make sense of this important event in the history of human rights in Southeast Asia.
Andrew Scott (Guest Editor) 'Changing children's chances: can Australia learn from Nordic countries?', Vol. 3, No. 1. (Special Issue)
Australia has much higher rates of income poverty and inequalities among children than Sweden and the other main Nordic nations. The aim of this publication is to identify what Australia can learn from the Nordic nations' policies to reduce inequalities, and increase wellbeing, among children. (The term 'Scandinavia' includes Sweden, Norway and Denmark while the term 'Nordic' includes those countries and also Finland. Thus the term 'Nordic' rather than 'Scandinavian' will be used in the text of this publication.) The symposium from which this publication has developed brought together a Nordic expert, and a small number of Australian experts including university academics and professional practitioners from community organisations, to focus on four related policy areas. These were: early, regular monitoring of children's health; enhanced quality and more equitable early childhood education and care (ECEC) through public provision (including the requisite workforce training and capacity); the provision of extensive paid parental leave and family-friendly working hours; and the provision of more employment to reduce joblessness among families with children so as to reduce child poverty. The symposium was convened on 26 April 2012 by Deakin University's School of Humanities and Social Sciences, and Centre for Citizenship and Globalisation, in collaboration with the Centre for Community Child Health at The Royal Children's Hospital, Melbourne. This publication of the edited proceedings is now provided for policy makers and other interested persons. Support from the Australian Government's Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations (DEEWR) enabled the participation of Sweden's Professor Staffan Janson in the symposium which led to this publication. This support, and the input of senior policy makers in DEEWR and other national government departments to the material which follows, are gratefully acknowledged. However, the views expressed in this document are solely those of the identified authors and should in no way be taken to represent the views of DEEWR or the Australian Government. Guidelines were adopted to encourage a robust discussion in four separate sessions following the initial presentations on child health; early childhood education and care; parental leave; and parental employment. The first presenter in each session was an academic with expertise in the content area whose presentation was designed to provoke discussion by presenting Australian facts on inequalities among children as well as potential solutions based on available evidence. A facilitated discussion followed to enable contributors to respond with constructive criticism; to identify possible constraints on the proposals; and to consider opportunities as well as obstacles in both the current and longer term policy environment to ideas that were put forward. This publication seeks to advance the debate about how to best build on successive national government policy changes since 2004, when support was first given for the Australian Early Development Index (AEDI). These changes have been shaped by the growing international evidence that investment in children is the most enduring and effective of all the investments which governments can make.
Andrew Vandenberg 'The My School Website in Australia', Vol. 3, No. 2
The My School website in Australia offers moderately nuanced comparisons between any school and sixty other socio-educationally similar schools. Detrimental effects on poor-performing schools are small because it is forbidden to use these comparisons to construct league tables. More generally, however, the website promotes practices of auditing employees. As such it undermines teachers' sense of integrity and any sense that they are professionals who society respects enough to entrust with an important task. It is not surprising that very few teachers use it, and it would seem not many parents use it either. A left-of-centre government established the website despite opposition by the teacher unions but with the support of News Corporation. New Public Management and an accompanying great increase in auditing offer a deeper explanation for why the website was established. Public servants and political leaders of both the left and the right support the transparency about school performance so My School is likely to continue. An alliance between teacher unions, parents and community groups might see education policy switch tracks from the present market orientation to a welfare orientation.
Janine Little (Guest Editor) 'The Sex Factor: Media Representations of Women and Men in Australia', Vol. 3, No. 3. (Special Issue)
By the time Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard's parliamentary speech about sexism in the lower house (and the misogynist across the table) had given Australia its fifteen minutes of fame as a hit American news item, it had grown old here. How could Australia's media report that Opposition Leader Tony Abbott was a misogynist, after all, when there were contenders in its own ranks for the taking of that crown? Women journalists knew the Australian media industry for its 'boys club' newsroom cultures and 'knitting circle' attitudes to their work; some journalists today attest to encountering the same embedded ideology across the corporate and public institutions they deal with in the daily push to work contacts and produce stories for multiple media platforms. While this determinedly masculinist culture had a weary repertoire of news frames and language constructs to greet Australia's first woman Prime Minister, it was not prepared for the public backlash at the radio star who used the death of her father to take a shot at her leadership performance during a Young Liberal Party dinner in Sydney.
Danny Ben-Moshe, Joanne Pyke and Loretta Baldassar 'Diasporas in Australia: Current and Potential Links with the Homeland', Vol. 3, No. 4
Diasporas are increasingly recognised for their transnational ties between countries and regions and a growing international literature that investigates the implications of this for public policy. However, there has been little comprehensive research undertaken in Australia. This paper is one outcome
of research that aimed to address this gap through an exploration of the character of four Australian diasporas: the Tongan, Vietnamese, Italian and Macedonian. Based on research conducted in 2010 – 2012, the intent of this paper is to compare the nature and strength of diaspora ties to the
homeland. A further objective is to consider the applicability and relevance of Robin Cohen's (1997; 2008) well-known model of diaspora typologies in the Australian context. Throughout the discussion, we consider the economic, political, familial and cultural dimensions of diaspora behaviour with the
understanding, as Cohen (2008: 123) states, that diasporas are '…multifaceted, historically contingent and socially constructed entities'. The paper begins with an overview of the relevant literature and debates and examines how
they have informed our approach and method. We then discuss the key findings as they apply to each of the diasporas and compare characteristics in relation to Cohen's (1997) diaspora 'types' of 'classical or victim', 'labour', 'trade' and 'cultural' diasporas. Of particular interest is Cohen's category of 'cultural diaspora, which in his more recent work (Cohen 2008: footnote 3 p194) has been revised and renamed as a 'deterritorialised' type. We conclude with a discussion and analysis of the relative strength and significance of diaspora homeland ties and what this reveals in terms of their potential to contribute to Australian international relations objectives, including the implications for policy development.
Vol. 2, 2011
Tuba Boz, 'Independent Documentary-Film Production in the Context of the War on Terrorism' Volume 2, Number 1, March 2011, pp. 1-22
The war on terrorism like any war impacts the flow of information. Currently, the war on terrorism further complicates the complex setting of media and communications, of which independent documentary films are a part. So what is the significance and role of independent documentary films in the current media milieu? This paper examines the complexity of access to and delivery of independent information particularly within the context of war and the wide practice of embedded reporting. This paper argues that independent documentary-films play a critical role in informing the public about important issues and in providing alternative perspectives to that of the mainstream corporate media, particularly in the context of the war on terrorism.
Jill Bamforth, 'Migrant women and discrimination in Australia: a tiered narrative study' Volume 2, Number 2, August 2011, pp. 23-44
Whilst media representations of race relations in Australia depict a tolerant multicultural society, official records of discrimination, together with public events concerning migrant women, have combined to unsettle this egalitarian view. This article reports on a tiered study which uses the methods of critical race theory to provide insights into the nature and extent of race and gender discrimination experienced by migrant women in Australia. These insights are derived from a first hand narrative account of one migrant woman's experiences of the rental housing market and legal system, and a comparison of her narrative with those told of the same event by one social work and two legal professionals. The study reveals that, although the migrant woman's legal challenges were successful, she experienced serious reprisals related to these challenges, and was involved in a cycle of housing related difficulties which her legal challenges did not address. The comparison of the accounts shows that the professionals' accounts took either a 'telescopic' or 'panoramic' view of these issues. Whilst the panoramic view resulted in a greater awareness of the social context of the migrant woman's housing and legal difficulties, race and gender discrimination were not always identified. The study concludes that the professional and institutional filtration of discrimination means that the view of multicultural tolerance in Australia remains unchallenged.
Vol. 2, No. 3 'Multiplatform Innovation and Participatory Citizenship: The Australian Broadcasting Corporation's Digital Children's Television Projects'
Leonie Rutherford & Adam Brown, 'Multiplatform Innovation and Participatory Citizenship: The Australian Broadcasting Corporation's Digital Children's Television Projects' Volume 2, Number 3, October 2011, pp. 45-65
This paper examines children's multiplatform commissioning at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) in the context of the digitalisation of Australian television. A pursuit of audience share and reach to legitimise its recurrent funding engenders a strategy that prioritises the entertainment values of the ABC's children's offerings. Nevertheless, these multiplatform texts (comprising complementary 'on-air' and 'online' textualities) evidence a continuing commitment to a youth-focussed, public service remit, and reflect the ABC's Charter obligations to foster innovation, creativity, participation, citizenship, and the values of social inclusiveness. The analysis focuses on two recent 'marquee' drama projects, Dance Academy (a contemporary teen series) and My Place (a historical series for a middle childhood audience). The research draws on a series of research interviews, analysis of policy documents and textual analysis of the television and multiplatform content. The authors argue that a mixed diet of programming, together with an educative or social developmental agenda, features in the design of both program and online participation for the public broadcaster.
Alexander Naraniecki 'Multicultural thought in Australia: The legacy of Jerzy Zubrzycki' Volume 2, Number 4, December 2011, pp. 66-84
This paper redresses common misconceptions concerning the origins of Australian Multiculturalism by returning to the thought of Jerzy 'George' Zubrzycki (1920–2009). Zubrzycki's view of multiculturalism is based on Durkheimian sociology, and thus needs to be conceived as a philosophy and policy of effectively managing integration, the goal of which is the minimizing of anomie. The concern with building a well integrated and cohesive society around a pluralist cultural framework was paramount to Zubrzycki. I see an understanding of Zubrzycki's thought as essential to an understanding of the way the policy has been articulated by successive governments. However, this paper also points to the need to move beyond the theoretical framework and concepts used by Zubrzycki in directions that can better respond to new social challenges and realities. Section One gives a description of the central intellectual features underpinning Zubrzycki's thought. Section Two then looks at Zubrzycki's original conception of multiculturalism and the features that remain relevant to contemporary policy and public debates. Section Three moves beyond Zubrzycki's more conservative thought in order to conceive of a cultural pluralism more responsive to and inclusive of the increasingly non-Western demographic changes in Australian society.
Vol. 1, No. 1 'Preliminary Remarks on the Institutional Structures of Secessionist Movements: The cases of PKK, Iraqi Kurdistan, and Transnistria'
Preliminary Remarks on the Institutional Structures of Secessionist Movements: The cases of PKK, Iraqi Kurdistan, and Transnistria
Dr Costas Laoutides
School of International and Political Studies, Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University, Australia
Counting more than a hundred conflicts in the post Second World War era and having claimed millions of lives, national self-determination movements constitute one of the thorniest issues in world politics. Hence, the dense literature that has been generated on the topic of territorial separatism, especially with regard to potential peaceful solutions, should not come as a surprise to the student of International Relations. This paper aims to initiate a discussion about territorial separatism and the frequent impasses that prohibit pathways to its resolution from a different angle: by analysing the cases of PKK in Turkey, KDP and PUK in Iraq as well as the separatist movement in Transnistria, I argue that institutionalised structures within these organisations shape the character of the political struggle and minimize the array of possible solutions to those that do not challenge established interests. By offering some observations in each case, the role of the institutional establishments and how they influence the future of the movement is gradually revealed.
Humanity or Justice?
Dr Stan van Hooft
School of International and Political Studies, Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University, Australia
Cosmopolitanism has always involved a strong commitment to global justice and many cosmopolitan thinkers have advocated the extension of principles of justice that apply to the political and economic institutions of nation-states to the global political and economic system. However, Campbell's paper questioned whether there were any distinctive moral and political commitments that distinguish cosmopolitanism from other progressive and liberal doctrines relating to global justice. In particular he wondered whether what made one a cosmopolitan was holding the view that "the circumstances and considerations of justice apply globally as well as nationally, or, more radically, that the same principles of justice apply equally in both global and national contexts."
If there is anything distinctive about the cosmopolitan position on these issues it is the willingness to question the importance of the sovereignty of nation-states in the context of these and other debates and to see the nationality of people as morally unimportant when considering their needs and their human rights in the context of global economic and political arrangements. Accordingly, the principle of justice would need to be applicable globally if it is to provide the normative basis that cosmopolitanism requires. If it is not applicable globally then Campbell would be right to suggest that cosmopolitanism needs to be based upon the principle of humanity rather than the principle of justice in order to achieve its global scope.
Vol. 1, No. 3 'Contextualisation of International Development Principles to Difficult Contexts: A Case Study of Myanmar'
Contextualisation of International Development Principles to Difficult Contexts: A Case Study of Myanmar
Mr Anthony Ware
School of International and Political Studies, Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University, Australia
Myanmar is a poor developing country with significant humanitarian needs. At least half the population live in extreme poverty (Steinberg 2006), and some reports estimate the proportion living on less than US$1/day is as high as 90% (WHO 2008). Government investment in education ranks amongst the lowest in the world (UNICEF 2003), while expenditure on public health is just US$0.661/capita/pa (MoH 2008). Yet despite the need, aid is severely restricted by some of the toughest sanctions in the world, measures aimed at pressuring an authoritarian military government into democratisation. The unintended adverse humanitarian impact of these restrictions has been widely published, and has resulted in many major agencies either not being present (e.g. IMF, WorldBank and ADB) or operating under a limited mandate (e.g. ILO, UNDP). In addition, official development assistance to Myanmar is the least of any of the 50 UN least developed countries, at just 1/20th the average assistance given to these nations (ICG 2008).
Vol. 1, No. 4 'Refugees' labour market access in Australia: A case study of Eritrea African Immigrants'
Refugees' labour market access in Australia: A case study of Eritrea African Immigrants
Late Mr Hassan Ibrahim, Prof. Pasquale Sgro*, Prof. Fethi Mansouri** and Dr Christine Jubb***
*Deakin Graduate School of Business, Deakin University
** School of International and Political Studies
*** Research Fellow - ANCAAR School of Accounting and Business Information Systems Australian National University
#This paper is dedicated to the late Ibrahim Hassan who sadly passed away while undertaking doctoral research on Eritrean refugees and migrants in Australia. The co-authors were members of his supervisory panel and wish to dedicate this paper to Hassan Ibrahim and his family.
This paper investigates the patterns of labour market access and the employment outcomes of African refugees in Australia. It focuses on recently-arrived migrants and refugees from Eritrea who came to Australia predominantly on humanitarian grounds. The paper explores the correlation between academic qualifications and previous employment experiences on the one hand and employment outcomes in Australia on the other. In doing so, a number of related factors including language skills, links to community organizations and level and nature of job assistance services are analysed as variables that potentially impact upon access to and ultimately integration into the labour market.